Omagiu Euromaidanului: Despre societatea deschisa, libertate si spectrul fascismului

„Numai datorita celor fara de speranta ne este data speranta”, scria Walter Benjamin la inceputul erei naziste. „Impotriva oricarei sperante „este titlul unuia din volumele de memorii ale Nadejdei Mandelstam. „Speranta moare ultima”, si-a intitulat Alexander Dubcek cartea autobiografica. La un sfert de veac de la ceea ce Papa Ioan Paul al II-lea a numit annus mirabilis 1989, insangeratul, eroicul Euromaidan din Kiev va intra in istorie ca o noua Piata Tienanmen. Ori ca Barcelona din timpul Razboiului Civil din Spania, cea imortalizata de George Orwell in “Omagiu Cataloniei”.

Specialist in dezinformari, Viktor Ianukovici a anuntat ca se vor relua negocierile cu opozitia. A fost demis comandantul fortelor armate, carnagiul s-a intetit. Ianukovici invoca acum, dupa masacrele din ultimele zile si nopti, nevoia de “pace sociala”. Si-a amintit, macar retoric, de importanta unui dialog cu partidele de opozitie. Credibilitatea lui Ianukovici este la pamant. Pentru protestatari, el este omul cu sange pe maini. I se spune “Ianucescu” si nu degeaba. I se poate spune si Adolf Vissarionovici Ianucescu.

Editorialul din “New York Times” de azi spune clar ce trebuie spus: ”What is obvious now is that Mr. Yanukovych and his Russian enablers cannot restore the old order through violence. Use of force or deploying the army can only bring Ukraine closer to complete chaos. That threat was underscored by ominous reports from western Ukraine, where anti-Russian sentiments run deep and strong, that protesters had raided government buildings and seized weapons. … Mr. Yanukovych and the Russians predictably blamed “extremists” and accused the West of supporting “illegal” actions by the opposition. But it has become increasingly clear with every passing week and every new effort to block reforms that the Yanukovych government is destroying the credibility it needs with the moderate opposition leaders, Vitali Klitschko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk, to achieve any negotiated settlement.”

Viitorul democratic al unei Ucraine independente nu este doar o problema a ucrainienilor. Este problema intregii regiuni, a Europei, a tuturor celor care considera ca drepturile omului sunt universale si ca tirania nu trebuie lasata sa aiba ultimul cuvant. Umbra imperiala a Rusiei putiniste se extinde sub ochii nostri. Inamicii statului de drept, ai societatii deschise, oriunde s-ar afla ei si orice masti ar arbora, sustin ceea ce eu numesc valul de-democratizarii. Se poarta o lupta pe care doar naivii incorigibili o mai pot ignora. Secera si ciocanul, glorificate din nou la deschiderea Jocurilor Olimpice de la Soci, au intrat din nou in actiune. Cu efecte criminale.

Cat priveste spectrul extremismului, agitat indeosebi de propaganda rusa si de unele grupari stangiste din Vest, este vorba nu atat de o alarma reala, cat de efortul de a delegitimiza revolta anti-autoritara din Ucraina. Citez dintr-un excelent articol semnat de Andrew Higgins si Andrew E. Kramer aparut azi in “New York Times”: The protest movement certainly contains extremist elements but, at least in Kiev and many other cities, particularly in the western regions, it has a wide base of public support. After talks with Mr. Yanukovych late Tuesday as violence spun out of control, the opposition leader Arseniy P. Yatsenyuk complained that the president had only a single offer: “that we surrender.”

Tentativele de a acuza Maidanul de fascism vin, nu incape indoiala, dinspre Rusia. Este culmea tupeului ca regimul FSB sa calomnieze maidanul, acest spatiu al unei democratii directe in statu nascendi, drept un creuzet al neo-nazismului. Aceasta impostura agresiva, o minciuna de proportii astronomice, este deconspirata de profesorul Timothy Snyder in exceptionalul sau articol din “New York Review of Books”. Citez finalul:

“The protesters represent every group of Ukrainian citizens: Russian speakers and Ukrainian speakers (although most Ukrainians are bilingual), people from the cities and the countryside, people from all regions of the country, members of all political parties, the young and the old, Christians, Muslims, and Jews. Every major Christian denomination is represented by believers and most of them by clergy. The Crimean Tatars march in impressive numbers, and Jewish leaders have made a point of supporting the movement. The diversity of the Maidan is impressive: the group that monitors hospitals so that the regime cannot kidnap the wounded is run by young feminists. An important hotline that protesters call when they need help is staffed by LGBT activists. (…). The protests in the Maidan, we are told again and again by Russian propaganda and by the Kremlin’s friends in Ukraine, mean the return of National Socialism to Europe. The Russian foreign minister, in Munich, lectured the Germans about their support of people who salute Hitler. The Russian media continually make the claim that the Ukrainians who protest are Nazis. Naturally, it is important to be attentive to the far right in Ukrainian politics and history. It is still a serious presence today, although less important than the far right in France, Austria, or the Netherlands. Yet it is the Ukrainian regime rather than its opponents that resorts to anti-Semitism, instructing its riot police that the opposition is led by Jews. In other words, the Ukrainian government is telling itself that its opponents are Jews and us that its opponents are Nazis. (…) The history of the Holocaust is part of our own public discourse, our agora, or maidan. The current Russian attempt to manipulate the memory of the Holocaust is so blatant and cynical that those who are so foolish to fall for it will one day have to ask themselves just how, and in the service of what, they have been taken in. If fascists take over the mantle of antifascism, the memory of the Holocaust will itself be altered. It will be more difficult in the future to refer to the Holocaust in the service of any good cause, be it the particular one of Jewish history or the general one of human rights.”

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